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April 7, 2018 at 1:23 pm #203994
Intambara yabaye mu Rwanda kuva 1990 kugeza 1994 yadutwaye abantu benshi
Intambara yabaye mu Rwanda kuva 1990 kugeza 1994 yadutwaye abantu benshi kandi idusigira ibikomere byinshi ku mitima yacu. Ntawabivuga atavuze intandaro y’imfu zitari ngombwa abanyarwanda bahuye nazo.
Muri make nkurikije amakuru yagiye hanze, ni akagambane k’amahanga yashatse kwigarurira akarere k’ibiyaga bigari agakoresha impunzi z’abatutsi zari cyane cyane muri Uganda. Izi mpunzi zibumbiye muri Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) zateye u Rwanda ku italiki ya 1 Ukwakira muri 1990 zivugako zitashye mu Rwanda. Mu by’ukuri zateye ikibazo cy’impunzi kirimo kwigwa. Haba harabaye ugutinda mukugikemura ariko imyifatire y’inkotanyi za FPR zigeze za Byumba na Ruhengeri, zica umuntu wese byerekanye ko zifite undi mugambi (kwica no gusimbura).
Muri rusange abanyarwanda benshi bashakaga ko impunzi zashyira intwaro hasi, zikakirwa maze hakaba isaranganywa ry’ubutegetsi bigatuma demukarasi ishinga imizi mu Rwanda. Amashyaka menshi yari yatangiye gukora muri 1991. Ibi byagaragajwe n’imishyikirano y’amahoro ya Arusha muri Tanzania yitabiriwe n’abanyarwanda b’ingeri zose. Inkotanyi zahawe imyanya ihagije mu isaranganya ry’ubutegetsi ntizanyurwa, zibirengaho, zihanura indege yari itwaye abaperezida babili b’u Rwanda n’ u Burundi. Inkotanyi zahise zubura imirwano doreko zari zarazanywe muri Kigali kurinda abantu babo. Ibi byabaye intandaro y’ubwicanyi burengeje kamere bwahitanye abanyarwanda b’ingeri zose kubera isubiranamo. Guverinoma y’abatabazi ntako itagize isaba inkotanyi guhagarika imirwano ngo ihoshe ubwicanyi, inkotanyi zaranze. Amahanga yashatse kohereza abasirikare baza mu Rwanda guhagarika ubwicanyi, FPR yarabyanze kandi hari hakiri kare mu kugabanya imfu z’amaherere. FPR yabyanze mu mpera z’ukwezi kwa Mata 1994 hashize iminsi 24 ubwicanyi butangiye. Twibuke ko ubwicanyi bwamaze iminsi hafi 100.
Inkotanyi zigera ku mugambi wazo na mpatsibihugu zigarurira igihugu cyose maze zifata ubwicanyi zateje, zikabuhagarikira, zibushyira ku ntugu y’abantu bazicitse zitabamariyemo umujinya. Hashyizweho urukiko mpuzamahanga ruburanisha gusa ABAHUTU, TPIR (aba bafashwe nk’abanyarugomo bateje ubwicanyi bakica abatutsi). Hashyizweho gacaca mu Rwanda iyobowe n’Inkotanyi bafunga UMUHUTU wese ujijutse batiyumvagamo cg babonaga yazabatera ibibazo akanguriye abandi kwanga ubucakara. Ikintu cyatangaje ni ukuburanisha ABAHUTU bose babarwanyaga bakabura uwateguye ubwicanyi. Umudamu w’umushinjacyaha CARLA DEL PONTE wakoreraga ONI yashatse gukora iperereza ku ngabo za FPR baramucecekesha, bahita bamwirukana.
Uyu niwe wavuze ati “BIBAYE NGOMBWA BIKAMENYEKANA KO UBWICANYI BWATEGUWE N’INKOTANYI AMATEKA Y’U RWANDA YAKONGERA AKANDIKWA”. Ikibazo hano ni ukubona abatutsi bategura ubwicanyi buhitana n’abatutsi babigambiriye. Abashakashatsi ku byabereye mu Rwanda bafashe ijambo muri “BBC DOCUMENTORY ON RWANDAN UNTOLD STORY” berekana ko umubare w’abahutu bishwe muri 1994 uruta kure umubare w’abatutsi bahaguye. Hano mu nyumve neza n’ubuzima bw’umuntu umwe burahenze cyane ni ntagereranywa. Ikintu nshaka kwerekana nuko abatutsi bamwe bishwe babaziza ubwoko bwabo nkuko abahutu bamwe nabo bishwe babaziza ubwoko bwabo.
Hari n’ubuhamya bw’abanyarwanda bwerekanako hari abahutu bishe abandi bahutu nkuko hari abatutsi bishe abandi batutsi. Nanjye ibyo navuga ntashidikanya nuko hari abishwe babahora ubwoko cg ibitekerezo byabo bya politiki nkuko hari nabishwe ari ugusahura gusa cg ukutumvikana abantu bari basanganywe. Ibirara n’amabandi byari byaguye ahashashe bibonye icyo byitwaza ngo byigwizeho ibyo bitakoreye. Guteza akaduruvayo mu gihugu si ibintu wavugako byagenda uko ubishaka. Uzumva na bwana Faustin Twagiramungu arira n’ikiniga ku bantu bo mu muryango yabuze. Ntawe akaduruvayo kaguye neza.
Inkotanyi zateje ubwicanyi muri Congo mu kwagura ubwatsi bwa mpatsibihugu. Ibintu ntibyagenze uko zibishaka, zarasahuye ariko rubanda yabaye ibamba ku buryo inkotanyi nazo zahashiriye. Hano ukuri kumaze kugera hanze, ubwicanyi bwa 1994 bwitwaga GENOCIDE RWANDAIS cg JENOSIDE NYARWANDA bwahinduriwe izina. Mu myumvire yanjye ni FPR na mpatsibihugu bashaka gushyira icyasha ku BAHUTU gusa noneho bakigurutsa ubwicanyi bwakorewe ABAHUTU. Ni mu ntangiriro z’uyu mwaka izina bashatse ko riba GENOCIDE CONTRE LES TUTSIS cg JENOSIDE YAKOREWE ABATUTSI. Ubu nandika abantu benshi bakomeje kubijyaho impaka bibaza ikintu cyahereweho izina rihinduka. Hari ibihugu bimwe bitemeye irihinduka ry’izina bigaragazako ari ugushyamiranya amoko y’u Rwanda kandi baniga ubutabera bwagombye kuyunga. Bimwe mu bihugu byafatanije na FPR biri guhindura amategeko yabo bibuza uwavuga uko yumva ubwicanyi bwagenze mu Rwanda (Belgique –u Bubiligi). Impaka rero zirakomeje.
Intwaro y’uwateje akavuyo mu karere k’ibiyaga bigari ni ugacamo ibice abakagize. Hano yibanze ku moko. Ubwoko bw’abatutsi ni 15% mu Rwanda no mu Burundi, ni nka 1% muri Congo. Mpatsibihugu ntako atashatse gushyira ku butegetsi ba nyamuke badashyigikiwe ngo bemere isahura ry’akarere. Aha niho ipfundo ry’ikibazo rizingiye. Abatutsi bamwe bamaze kubona ko barimo gukoreshwa aho umugambi urimo unanirana. Kwigarurira akarere byaranze kandi bimaze gutwara abantu benshi.
Iyi mvugo badutamika ya “jenoside yitiriwe abatutsi” tuzi ikintu isobanura nicyo igamije?
Mbere yo kuyivuga ibaze ibi bikurikira
Ninde wateguye ubwicanyi bwa 1994?
Ninde wahanuye indege y’umukuru w’igihugu ku italiki ya 6 Mata 1994?
Kuki Inkotanyi zahise zubura imirwano kandi hari cessez-le feu?
Kuki Inkotanyi zanze guhagarika imirwano ngo guverinoma y’abatabazi ihagarike ubwicanyi?
Kuki Inkotanyi zanze abaza gutabara abanyarwanda muri Mata 1994? Kuki zarinze kohereza abazihagararira muri ONI mukuvugako uzibeshya akohereza ingabo mu Rwanda bazazirasa?
Abahutu bishwe nande? Umubare wabo uruta kure uw’abatutsi bishwe.
Inkotanyi zihanura indege zari zigamije iki?
Inkotanyi zanga uwatabara zashakaga kugera kuki?
Nabwira abatutsi bamaze kubona ukuri ku mukino abasahuzi b’akarere bakina babakoresha kwanga kuba ibitambo. Ikintu bagomba kwirinda ni ukuririmba iki gikangisho cya “jenoside yitiriwe abatutsi” kandi mu by’ukuri bigaragarako bagizwe ibitambo. Ikintu kingenzi ni uguhuranira ukuri n’ubutabera butabogamye bwahana umuntu wese wicanye cg akicisha abandi.
Nabwira abahutu n’abandi basa nabo kwirinda kuba ibikoresho by’abantu babamariye ku icumu mu isahura ry’umutungo w’akarere. Amayeri ni menshi, ni ukubateranya mukicana bo bagasahura. Hano bakoresha udufaranga warya imyaka itatu mbere yuko bakwica. Hari ingero nyinshi z’ibintu byabaye mu Rwanda. Hano wavuga bwana Seth Sendashonga, Alexis Kanyarengwe, Pasteur Bizimungu, Col Cyiza n’abndi.
Ikintu ki’ingenzi ni ukureka kwikiriza intero utazi uyiteye, kwirinda kuba nyirabajya iyo bigiye, mbonabihita, ntibindeba, n’iyindi myifatire ishobora kukugira umuja w’undi muntu.
Mureke turwanye ikibi, duharanire ukuri n’ubutabera buzabanisha amoko yose y’abanyarwanda. Akarengane kazadutandukanya, ubutabera buzaduhuza.
Imana ikomeze ibarinde kandi ukuri kuzatsinda.
David RudatinyaApril 7, 2018 at 1:26 pm #203995
Abanyarwanda bivuruguse mu bumenyingiro bw’ikinyoma gikomoka mw’ishuri rya FPR
Mu bihe turimo, abanyarwanda bivuruguse mu bumenyingiro bw’ikinyoma gikomoka mw’ishuri rya FPR Inkotanyi, bisigaye bigora buri wese udafashijwe n’imbaraga z’Imana kwisobanurira ukuri n’ikinyoma. Niyo mpamvu abihanganye bagasaba izo mbaraga, Imana ibahishurira ukuri, maze mu buzima bwabo bwose bakarangwa no kwanga umugayo bavugisha ukuri aho ariho hose, ntawe ubabeshya, kandi iyo babonye abayobye bashimishwa no kubakebura bakagaruka mu nzira nziza ndetse byarimba bakabakira nk’uko umwana w’ikirara yakiriwe na se nabo bavukana batitaye ku bibi byamuranze.
Ikinyoma FPR yatuzaniye, cyatumye mu muryango nyarwanda, havumbukamo, abicanyi, abagambanyi, abiyita abarimu, abashakashatsi, abanyaryenge, intumwa z’ibinyoma … , Ariko uwizera Imana we ubwe azibonera ko kubw’ingabire zayo, aba bakozi b’ikibi bose Imana yamuhaye kubatahura arebeye ku mbuto bera.
N’IKI CYARANZE ABACURUZI B’IKINYOMA MURI IBI BIHE ABANYARWANDA BUGARIJWE N’AMAKUBA ?
Simvuga ibyo twumvise byose cg twabonye bijyanye niyi ngeso mbi yo kubeshya, ariko uko nzagenda mbona akanya nzajya mbagezaho bimwe na bimwe mu binyoma byahize ibindi bikaba aribyo ngaruka yo kujya duhora twizungurukaho, tudasoza ikivi cyo kwibohora Kalinga, ahubwo icyo kinyoma kikagenda kiduhubuzamo bamwe mu nshuti twafatanyije amagorwa y’inzira ndende igana ubuhungiro.
Ngiye kwibanda uyu munsi ku kinyoma cya CNRD Ubwiyunge n’ibigwi by’abayigize.
Twabonye mu mwaka wa 2014 umukiza Twagiramungu Faustin, atubwira ko tugomba kwiruhutsa, ko ashinze CPC, ihuriro ryagombaga kutumara agahinda maze rikaducyura iwacu i Rwanda tutamanitse amaboko, nuko mukanya gato cyane, aba asabye impunzi kumanika amaboko zigataha, maze abazirinze mu mashyamba bagashyikirizwa inkiko ngo bisobanure ku mpamvu yo kubuza abantu gutaha iwabo. Muri iri shingwa rya CPC ryahise rituma umusore Bakunzibake Alexis wo muri PS Imberakuri amera amababa dore ko Twagiramungu Faustin yari yamwijeje ibitangaza ngo mu gihe CPC izaba yacyuye impunzi yanahiritse ubutegetsi bwa Kagame Paul, ariko ubwo bukaba bwari uburyo kuri Twagiramungu Faustin bwo gucamo ibice PS Imberakuri, byaramuhiriye rero kuko uko kumera amababa kwa Bakunzibake Alexis, kwahise gutuma yumva akomeye kurusha Ntaganda Bernad washinze iryo shyaka, bidateye kabiri Bakunzibake Alexis aba ashatse kwirukana Ntaganda Bernard mu ishyaka, byanze, Bakunzibake yagiye agabanya kuvugira ishyaka rya PS Imberakuri kugeza igihe azimiye burundu, amakuru atugeraho uyu munsi yemeza ko uwo musore abantu bafataga nk’intwari mu gihe CPC itari yagashinzwe, yaba yaramaze gukurwamo umwuka na FPR Inkotanyi, azize kw’ikubitiro akarimi karyohereye k’inyaryenge Rukokoma.
Si Bakunzibake gusa twabuze kuko hari n’abandi basore 2, aribo Romeo Rugero nuwari uzwi nka IKAZE witirirwaga ikinyamkuru cye Ikaze.com, abo nabo uko bakundaga guterana amagambo na Rukokoma, baje kwisanga mu mutego we, maze abashora iya Tanzaniya, aho bagiye ubutagaruka, imyaka ikaba ibaye hafi itatu, abitabye intumwa ya Rukokoma yitwa Twagiramungu Theophile ituye muri Belgique, batongeye kuvugwa ukundi, baherukwa burira indege berekeza Tanzaniya, ubu tubavuga amateka, tukaba dutegereje kuzabasanga mw’ijuru ijabiro. Nsubiye inyuma gatoya, mu gihe twari dutegereje igisubizo cy’iyo nararibonye,yahise idutungura, maze isabira Urugaga rwa FDLR guhindura izina maze ngo rukitwa INTIMIRWA, ibyo bidakunze yifashisha IRATEGEKA WILSON amuha amabwiriza yo kurasa abanze gutaha no kwishyikiriza inkiko ndetse no guhindura izina rya FDLR ngo barisimbuze INTIMIRWA, izi ntimirwa nazo ntizabonye izuba ahubwo zahise zihinduka zitwa CNRD-Ubwiyunge, nayo yahise ishyira mu bikorwa amabwiriza yahawe, nuko kwica abayobozi ba FDLR n’impunzi zibakomeyeho zitayobotse CNRD birageragezwa ariko Imana ikinga akaboko nanubu rukigeretse.
Aba babibyi b’urupfu, bashatse abavugizi bo kwamamaza ibikorwa byabo bibisha, maze abo bavugizi babo, bashishikariza abantu b’impunzi ko bababoneye igisubizo cy’ibibazo bafite ariko ko bisaba amikoro y’amafranga, ahasigaye ngo ibyerekeye kubacyura bikaba nko guhumbya.
Innocent Biruka, yahise we akora kuri whatsap, ubutumwa bukwira isi yose, maze abadafite impano yo kureba igiti cyiza cyera imbuto nziza, bikora k’umufuka, ubwo hari ahagana mu mwaka wa2016, uko byavugwagwa bikanashishikarizwa Abanyarwanda, n’ingufu zerekanwaga n’abavugizi ba CNRD ya Wilson Irategeka na Twagiramungu Faustin n’abizerwa babo, wumvaga ntakwezi kurashira tudacyuwe twemye, ariko ubu turi muri 2018, hongewe kwenyegezwa undi muriro aho haje urwunge rw’uwo mutwe CNRD na RRM,PDR Ihumure, maze bashinga ikintu cyiswe MRCD, amafranga arongeye abonye uburyo bwo kwakwa abaturage kandi nyamara abo yakwa nta mbuto barigera babona zibyakozwe kuva uwo mutwe washingwa, uretse kumva ko iyi CNRD yibera mu rugamba nabo bahoze bafatanije urugamba muri FDLR mbere umukambwe Rukokoma atarabazanamo umwiryane wo kwicana hagati yabo mu nyungu y’abatifuriza abanyarwanda n’impunzi by’umwihariko amahoro.
Rero nako mperutse kumva umuvugizi wa MRCD Innocent BIRUKA, avuga ngo bo bafite impunzi zabo muri CONGO ngo iziri kumwe na FDLR ntabwo ari izabo, ibi yabisubije ubwo umunyamakuru w’IKONDERA LIBRE Agnes MUKARUGOMWA, yamubazaga ikibazo n’imibereho y’impunzi ziba muri RDC CONGO, byatumye nibaza niba aba banyacyubahiro nagereranya na MUSA w’abanyarwanda nkuko babitwizeza barimo bavangura impunzi, u Rwanda bazayobora babohoje aho tuzarwinjizwamo twese ? Ese ko Innocent Biruka ahagurutsa abandi we yicaye byo ni ugushaka kuvuga iki?
Nzaba mbarirwa da ! Njye ndumva uwabajya inyuma ngo bazamucyure ari nko kwambura Pawulo wambika PIYO, nyamara rero, Ijambo ry’Imana riratuburira ngo « Muzababwirwa n’imbuto zabo » banyarwanda rero nababwira iki ?
Nabakangurira gushishoza, maze mukitegereza neza mbere yo guha abantu umutima wanyu, mukabaza mukareba ibikorwa byabo byakahise maze mukabona kwitegura amatunda y’abanyakarimi gasize ubuki.
Yezu ati « Muzabamenyera ku imbuto zabo » nanjye nti iritavuze umwe !
Nsengiyumva De GaulleApril 19, 2019 at 9:56 am #204122
Yoweri Museveni has been uncharacteristically silent on matters involving Uganda and Rwanda
Yoweri Museveni has been uncharacteristically silent on matters involving Uganda and Rwanda. Some commentators close to his government have given the impression that this is the normal reaction of someone who is calm and collected.
However, what they have neglected to point out is that this kind of reaction would also be expected from someone who has been caught in the act.
Museveni’s silence against mounting evidence that his government is actively coordinating the activities of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), Kayumba Nyamwasa’s rebel outfit, and the FDLR, the remnants of the army that committed genocide in Rwanda in 1994 and has since been holed up in the DRC, is rather deafening.
The RNC has gone on record saying that it seeks to forcefully remove the elected government in Kigali and it has, over the years, undertaken terrorist attacks to disturb the peace in Rwanda so that the people lose confidence in the ability of their government to protect them.
These attacks have targeted crowded places, such as markets: grenades are tossed into the public with detonations claiming lives of innocent people.
Also targeted are activities aimed at disrupting the public participation in politics, such as was the case when terrorist operatives were infiltrated into the country to prevent people from taking part in the 2013 parliamentary elections.
Similar operations to disrupt the 2017 presidential elections were thwarted by the security forces.
The FDLR is also on record seeking to complete the genocide against the Tutsi. In fact, Uganda is sanctuary to the majority of fugitives who committed genocide in 1994 and have since been on the run.
It is on the international list of terrorist organisation, including being blacklisted by the Americans.
The former head of the FDLR, Ignace Murwanashyaka, was convicted in Germany for being a leader of the terrorist organisation. In 2005 he was issued with a Ugandan passport to facilitate his movements.
Reports from German indicate that Murwanashyaka had on Tuesday died in prison, before he completed his sentence.
Most importantly, the FDLR has since 1994 continued sporadic attacks on Rwandan territory in which innocent lives have been claimed.
Museveni’s uphill task has been to bring legitimacy to groups with that level of disrepute. Indeed, the deeper he has associated with them the more he has isolated himself as a rogue leader in the region.
When it was revealed that the RNC top diplomat had been in Kampala during the first week of March, 2019 (President Museveni admitted that he held a meeting with her), someone on social media asked why pro-Museveni people like Ofwono Opondo, Sarah Kagingo, and others had all of a sudden gone silent (similar silence as the subject of this article) a reasonable Ugandan on Twitter captured their silence, “What is there to defend?,” in reference to the irrefutable evidence of partnership between Museveni and the RNC.
Less than three months before on December 14-15, senior officers of the FDLR who were returning from a coordination meeting with the RNC under the chairmanship of Uganda’s Minister of State for Regional Affairs, Philemon Mateke, were intercepted at the Bunagana border by DRC officials and turned over to Rwanda.
They have since appeared in court and confessed to the meeting in Kampala and Museveni’s role in the ambitions of the two forces to destabilize Rwanda.
It is interesting that among those saying that Museveni’s silence is due to being calm and collected are members of the RNC, most notably David Himbara, the publicist to Tribert Rujugiro, a key financier of the rebel outfit who runs business ventures in Uganda and whom President Museveni also admitted to having met – along with Mukankusi and Eugene Gasana.
In other words, by reading from the same script as Ofwono Opondo and Sarah Kagingo they end up revealing more than they deny.
Museveni’s modus operandi is to take credit for success and to blame others for failures. Silence is not his cup of tea. So why is he silent?
The obvious answer is that the mounting evidence is too much for any person to believe that he is not involved. Secondly, he is committed to seeing this dream of his – that he shared with the RNC and the FDLR – through.
He has turned to sanitizing these forces in Uganda’s media, particularly the leaders of the RNC. It is now difficult for a week to pass without a newspaper in Kampala reinventing a benevolent and magnanimous imagine of Kayumba Nyamwasa or Tribert Rujugiro and David Himbara writes feature articles that carry the bylines of other people.
An entire lineup of newsmen from The East African, The New Vision, and NTV television was taken to Arua to report on how Rujugiro’s tobacco factory (in which Salim Saleh is a stakeholder) has transformed lives there.
It is not lost on Museveni that he is selling Rujugiro to Ugandans as a savior to part of the country (Arua) that his government has long neglected!
Clearly, the silence is also a ploy to buy time to cleanse the RNC (and FDLR). But silence has not come without panic.
For the first time in decades, Museveni is making visits to army barracks and promising improved welfare to the hitherto neglected forces.
During his visits, he has promised to build housing units for soldiers, to increase their salaries, to set up a Sacco for officers and their wives to access financial services, as well as free education for their children.
Of course, he also carried with him sacks of money that he left behind for commanders.
Museveni also warned them “not to fall in the trap of past armies,” in reference to tribalism – all the while creating a tribal army whose commanders are predominantly from his ethnic group, as well as the Special Forces Brigade that is almost entirely made up of Bahima.
Previously, the only part of the army whose welfare he cared about was the SFC.
However, the fit of panic has him waking up to the reality that the SFC is not enough to protect him.
It’s up to whoever wants to see all these as some kind of coincidence to do so.April 19, 2019 at 10:03 am #204123
The death of FDLR Leader Ignace Murwanashyaka
Ignace Murwanashyaka, the founding head of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a terrorist group based in Eastern DR Congo, was pronounced dead on Tuesday evening.
Murwanashyaka, according to German media, died from Mannheim University Clinic where he had been rushed from prison last week following a severe illness .
“FDLR president Murwanashyaka was held in isolation in jail as a terrorist leader and was gravely ill recently. Last week he was transferred as a prisoner to Mannheim university clinic where he died on Tuesday. Cause of death (is) yet to be formally established,” reads a tweet from Dominic Johnson, a German journalist.
Johnson, the Africa Editor for Taz, a German newspaper, has reported on the Great lakes region, mainly DR Congo for the past several years.
Murwanashyaka, 56, had been in jail since 2009.
On September 28, 2015, he was convicted on five counts by the Higher Regional Court of Stuttgart of aiding and backing war crimes and leading a foreign terrorist organisation.
He was eventually sentenced to 13 years in prison.
However, he appealed the sentence.
And, on 20 December 2018, the German Federal Court partially overturned his conviction, arguing that the ruling on first instance was contradictory in some parts. It sent the case back for retrial.
The cause of his death is yet to be formally established.
In 2001, Murwanashyaka became the head of FDLR, considered to be the main cause of insecurity in the African Great Lakes Region, according to Trial International, an organisation whose mission is to fight for justice whenever crimes of an international nature are committed.
He was accused of coordinating human rights violations by the FDLR between January 2008 and July 2009.
The FDLR has killed several hundred civilians, pillaged and burned down numerous villages and left many women raped or subjected to other forms of sexual violence.
Numerous child soldiers were allegedly recruited by the force in order to carry out such operations.
In 2005, the United States blacklisted the FDLR as a terrorist group, which was followed by UN sanctions against the outfit’s leaders, including Murwanashyaka.
The sanctions included a travel ban and freeze of assets owned by Murwanashyaka and other FDLR leaders.
Travelling on Ugandan passport
Despite global sanctions Murwanashyaka faced, in 2005 he was facilitated by immigration officials to acquire a Ugandan passport, on which he would travel to Germany, where he was eventually arrested.
He was in Germany – a country where he had lived for a long time – as part of a fundraising drive for the terror group.
Arrest, legal action
Murwanashyaka was born in 1963 in Butare, Rwanda. Since 1989, he has been living in exile in Germany. In 2000, Germany granted him political asylum.
He was arrested in Germany in 2006 for immigration violations and released shortly after.
In 2008, Germany withdrew Murwanashyaka’s refugee status.
Along with his vice-president Straton Musoni, Murwanashyaka was arrested on November 17, 2009 in Germany, on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by the German Federal Court of Justice.
The German federal prosecution had been actively investigating the two men for more than a year, who were then on Interpol red notice.
On December 8, 2010, the German Federal Prosecutor charged Murwanashyaka and Musoni with 26 counts of crimes against humanity and 39 counts of war crimes, allegedly committed by the FDLR on Congolese territory between January 2008 and November 2009.
Murwanashyaka and Musoni were accused of ordering and co-coordinating crimes committed by the FDLR from German territory and for not having prevented their commission.
Murwanashyaka was also accused of leading a foreign terrorist organisation.
FDLR is on offshoot of the forces that committed the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which claimed over a million lives.April 19, 2019 at 10:07 am #204124
We are using diplomatic means to resolve Rwanda row
On April 16, 2019, Uganda’s Daily Monitor published an article with the title “We are using diplomatic means to resolve Rwanda row,” that was a quote from a response by that Uganda’s State Minister for International Affairs, Okello Oryem, to a question that was raised to him during a hearing by the parliamentary committee on international relations and asked by Mbale Municipality MP Jack Wamai Wamanga who, on behalf of the committee, wanted to know why the problems between Uganda and Rwanda are not being solved leading to the “suffering of the business community from both sides.”
Minister Oryem must be good at his job. He immediately turned to the diversionary tactics of his boss, President Museveni on matters to do with Rwanda.
When a reporter asked him in March 2018 during a press conference in Entebbe, Museveni said that “there is no fundamental problem between Rwanda and Uganda.”
He said this just moments after admitting, in the same press conference, that his security forces, particularly CMI, was facilitating the recruitment and movement of rebel forces of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s Rwanda National Congress (RNC).
This was a mere three months after the rebels had been intercepted at the Kikagati border (with Tanzania) as CMI tried to sneak them across the border on their way to the RNC training centre in South Kivu, DR Congo, via its Bujumbura reception centre.
How a country facilitates activities of a rebel group that aims to destabilize another country can be characterized in those terms as “there is no fundamental problem” is nothing short of being pretentious and disingenuous.
So, here’s Oryem playing by the same playbook. “We have an issue with the government of Rwanda and it’s not a major issue. We believe that this is an issue that can be addressed using normal processes,” he is reported to have told the parliamentary committee. “We are trying to use a diplomatic approach to resolve the matter.”
This is a small matter, “as far as we are concerned,” according to Oryem and his boss. Without even going into further details, the reason why the problem between Uganda and Rwanda persists and why it is likely to continue, becomes obvious.
If one side of the conflict considers the problems to be egregious while the other ignores this concern and treats it as a minor issue, then a standoff is the expected outcome. Or even worse.
The lies continue, however. “Our borders remain open to all Rwandans who come here for trade and even visit their relatives. They are free to come and trade and even visit their relatives. But whoever comes here must respect the laws of Uganda. No one will be spared if he or she violates the laws of this country,” Oryem told parliament in a chest-thumping manner devoid of any sense of reality of what transpires when the same Rwandans do exactly what he is proposing they do.
Hundreds who have taken the risk to travel to Uganda have been harassed, abducted and blindfolded, guns planted on them, and tortured in un-gazetted “safe houses” across Uganda.
The lucky ones have been deported after undergoing torture and being injected with unknown substances that doctors have had a hard time to treat.
Others are unable to walk again even after undergoing rounds of physiotherapy.
These are people who are identified by the RNC and FDLR agents as deserving harassment simply for refusal to join forces with them to destabilize their country.
The choice for Rwandans in Uganda is to join or contribute money to “the cause” or else you are dealt with as a lesson to others who may be reluctant.
Immediately, RNC and FDLR agents pinpoint you for refusal you become a Rwandan spy!
Yet, Oryem is luring even more Rwandans to visit his country. As if it were prophetic, Rwandans are beginning to receive their loved ones in caskets from Uganda just months after their government warned them against traveling to that country.
A country that claims to be governed by the respect for human rights has remained silent on the abuses and when it decides to say something, like the case of Minister Oryem, it only justifies the abuse.
Those they call suspects are never brought to courts as if to concede that it is a country that does not run on the rule of law, one without a functioning justice system.
As a result, innocent people end up languishing in torture chambers for months, some like Rene Rutagungira for years, without trial.
One wonders what laws Minister Oryem is referring to when he talks about the need to “respect the laws of Uganda.”
The laws he is referring to require that those held for suspicion of committing crimes are charged in courts of law. Neither do these laws suggest that suspects should be tortured or shot dead and then deport the dead body.
As Oryem and his boss show total disregard for the law and for the security of Rwandans in Uganda and continue to escalate tensions as a result, not a single Ugandan has faced any form of retaliation in Rwanda.
Oryem needs to learn from this restraint what it means for a country to run on the rule of law.April 19, 2019 at 10:11 am #204125
Yoweri Museveni has long harboured ambitions of making Rwanda Uganda’s appendage
Most people who follow politics of the region know that President Yoweri Museveni has long harboured ambitions of making Rwanda Uganda’s appendage. At the very least, he seeks to dictate to this country what it should and should not do.
Over the years he has recruited like-minded people from inside Rwanda to work with him to frame their country in his image. These are his protégés. But what is so special that they see in Museveni and he sees in them and together they wish to export to Rwanda?
The first place to look is how the protégés repeat Museveni’s rhetoric. Recently, Kayumba Nyamwasa told a Zambian newspaper that he is fighting to bring “fundamental change” to Rwanda. In 1986 during his swearing in, Museveni claimed he had fought to bring about fundamental change to Uganda.
David Himbara, another of Museveni’s Rwandan protégé, recently asserted, “Kagame’s inner circle is shrinking.” Presumably, Kagame’s ‘inner circle’ is shrinking while Museveni’s is always expanding? This is the difference between Museveni’s Uganda and Kagame’s Rwanda.
Here’s what belonging to an “inner circle” means in the contexts of the two countries. Museveni’s inner circle is above the law, able to divert public resources to personal interests as it wishes. A commercial bank is forcefully taken over and subsequently disappears without a trace; junk helicopters are procured with no one held accountable.
Someone can claim the country’s natural resources as his own, “my oil” and is not ashamed to publicly state that, “I am working for my children and grandchildren.” In other words, the country is run like a family kiosk until the time comes to hand it over to the next of kin.
On the contrary, Kagame has never had an inner circle. Moreover, no one has ever claimed to be above the law during his tenure. Some may be close to him by virtue of their responsibilities and the moment these tasks end this closeness comes to an end. This is what Himbara calls a shrinking inner circle. However, it is also true that some unscrupulous individuals – Himbara being one of them – who somehow found themselves working close to Kagame attempted to masquerade as belonging to some inner circle that in reality never existed; or, they had the ambition of creating an inner circle, only to end up crossing the line and finding themselves where they truly belong – in obscurity.
These two approaches are at odds and cannot co-exist. This is why Museveni and his protégés are eager to extend and replicate their preferred inner-circle politics to Rwanda, which is the only way to make sense of Himbara’s writing. For instance, all Ministers – like James Musoni who he refers to in Rwanda are appointed to serve; a Ministry is not a private asset; neither do those appointed to it expect they won’t be assigned to other responsibilities.
Similarly, all senior military officers – the likes of Gen. Jack Nziza – are only “close” to the President by virtue of their appointments and duties. They don’t enjoy this proximity due to personal or familial ties, or because they are members of a supposed inner circle. As a result, they expect to be redeployed – and even retired – as a matter of an inescapable reality: they are serving in a truly professional army that does not belong to an individual and they don’t believe they are forever owed anything special simply because they fought.
Nothing new about Eugène-Richard Gasana
Eugène-Richard Gasana, Rwanda’s former ambassador to the United Nations in New York, also features heavily as Himbara reimagines Rwanda in Museveni’s eyes. Gasana recently met Museveni on RNC-related movements in and outside Kampala.
Like Patrick Karegeya and Kayumba Nyamwasa before him, Gasana was also recruited when he was in active Rwanda government service. Moreover, like Ignace Murwanashyaka, the convicted (by courts in Germany) leader of the FDLR genocide perpetrators, Gasana was also facilitated with a Ugandan passport that has enabled his travel around the world, advocating for the RNC. Indeed, it is in this capacity that he, along with Charlotte Mukankusi, who also travels on a Ugandan passport, met President Museveni in Kampala last month.
A reliable source that ran into Gasana in transit at Amsterdam airport during his many travels on behalf of the RNC told this reporter that he was using a Ugandan passport, which was verified with pictures of the actual passport (We welcome a challenge from Ofwono Opondo and Sarah Kagingo to produce the documents. We promise to meet the challenge).
Interestingly, Gasana was ahead of his fellow protégés in one particular aspect: his relatively quick comprehension of the politics of their patron. For instance, when it was time for a new ambassador to take over in New York and he was asked to return home for reassignment, he balked; a sense of entitlement had him thinking that he was irreplaceable in that position. And so, he began throwing tantrums before deciding to cut links with his government by ceding to Museveni’s overtures – on behalf of the RNC – that had been in place long before the break of ties with Rwanda.
Since 2016 he has been running errands on behalf of the RNC, an organisation that has declared war on Rwanda and has conducted terrorist operations that have claimed the lives of innocent people in different parts of the country. Despite this record, Gasana has fraudulently managed to acquire U.S. residency on the false claim that his life is threatened back home.
However, Gasana should familiarise himself with the case of Jean Leonard Teganya. On April 6, 2019, the federal court in Boston ruled that the 48-year old “attempted to win asylum in the United States by lying.” He faces five years in prison and deportation to Rwanda. Similarly, Gasana’s lies to U.S. immigration that he is threatened at home may have been believed; however, his determination to fight his government should make him a person of interest to the authorities and expose him to Teganya’s fate.
Meanwhile, the fact alone that he fights Rwanda was enough for Gasana to enter Museveni’s “inner circle.” It makes sense. This is Museveni’s brand of politics. He needs an inner-circle to survive. It is by design that it can’t shrink. On the other hand, saying that Kagame’s inner-circle is shrinking is as nonsensical as it can get. This idea of shrinking has absolutely zero consequence precisely because Kagame doesn’t operate like their patron.
As Himbara successfully transforms himself in the image that Museveni requires of his protégés, he gets out of touch with the reality inside Rwanda. His view of Kagame’s inner-circle is proof that his transformation is complete. Significantly, Himbara is only a microcosm of the transformation that Museveni has in mind for Rwanda, one whose completion he seems committed to.
Even as Museveni preoccupies himself with Kagame, in the former’s mind the ideal transformation of Rwanda does not leave the position of president vacant. He gets to occupy it, along with the one he presently occupies. As such, in his thinking, he could potentially enjoy the status of President of the Greater Uganda, which would include Rwanda. But his fantasy doesn’t end there. When Museveni looks at Kayumba Nyamwasa he sees Salim Saleh; in Eugène-Richard Gasana he sees Sam Kuteesa. They form another layer to his “inner-circle.”April 20, 2019 at 7:01 pm #204126
Rwandan soldiers enter Ugandan territory
A Ugandan website on Thursday published an article entitled “EXCLUSIVE: Tension Flares as Rwandan Soldiers Cross into Uganda”, in which the writer quotes unsubstantiated sources to sell a narrative that Rwandan soldiers enter Ugandan territory in search of drinks, food and cigarettes.
One misinformation goes; “…after taking their drinks, they walk back to Rwanda”. Really? Rwandan soldiers, wearing military uniform and carrying guns and ammunition would go all the way to Kisoro inside Uganda?
Equally funny is how the so-called source, instead of informing UPDF or area Uganda police of the purported presence of Rwandan soldiers on Ugandan territory, opted to report to a journalist!
This is cheap propaganda and demonstrates irresponsibility on the part of the author and the media house.
One wonders what is on the other side of the border that cannot be found in Rwanda that would entice Rwandan soldiers to enter Uganda in utter violation of immigration rules.
Is the author trying to insinuate that there is lack of supplies in Rwanda and, as such, soldiers have to seek these in Uganda?
Let me just remind the publication that they should care more for supplies of UPDF, which are in shortage and leave Rwanda Defence Force alone.
As the author probably knows, Rwandan soldiers are well taken care of, from what they need to eat to clothing, let alone accommodation.
Claims that RDF soldiers were sighted in Kisoro are unfounded and are only aimed at selling a narrative to Ugandans that their territory is being infiltrated by Rwandan soldiers.
This also raises suspicion that the author could be laying ground for the Ugandan military so that when they loot peoples’ property – for which they have a reputation – it will then be attributed to Rwandan soldiers.
I remember very well how in September 2018, a group of UPDF officers attached to Queen Elizabeth National Park grabbed game meat from lions, after a successful hunt by the cats.
As narrated by an eyewitness, UPDF soldiers chased the lions off their prey and carried the carcass back to their barracks.
Meanwhile, the article further claims that since last year, Rwanda deployed its military along the Ugandan border as the two countries’ relations worsened amid counter accusations of espionage, economic sabotage and supporting rival armed movements operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The story continues to point out that Uganda is yet to deploy soldiers along the border with Rwanda, a move officials reportedly said is “part of President Museveni’s effort to avoid the escalation of the conflict.”
The author, whether deliberate or out of ignorance, did not mention UPDF’s deployments along the border with Rwanda and how the Ugandan military has reinforced its Second Division under the Command of Brig Kayanja Muhanga, which has its headquarters in Mbarara District.
It is common knowledge that the UPDF’s Second Division that has two brigades – 309 and 401 – has since November 2018 adjusted its deployments.
These two brigades have moved deployments towards the border with Rwanda.
The 401 Brigade, which with its headquarters in Kabale under the command of Lt Col Ibrahim Mutabazi, has three battalions; 19 infantry battalion, 35 battalion and 33 battalion, all made deployments along the border with Rwanda.
For instance, the 19 infantry battalion, also headquartered in Kabale under the command of Lt Col Emmanuel Mukasa, deployed in areas such as Cyonyo, Rushaki, Kamuganguzi, Gafunzo and Butobere.
The 35 battalion, under the command of Lt Col Johnson Muhanguzi, has dispositions in Nyakabande, Nyarusiza, Kanombe hill, Ntamutindi hill and Bunagana, while the 33 Battalion commanded by Lt Col Tumwine with headquarters in Kisoro has deployed at Kisoro, Rwindi, Kanungu, Ishasha, and Rugano.
On the other hand, the 309 Brigade, commanded by Col Keith Katungyi and based in Kisoro, has two battalions; the 7 Battalion commanded by Maj. Geoffrey Nabimanya and 47 Battalion commanded by Maj. Jotham Kature.
These two battalions are deployed at Bunagana, Rukungiri, Kabingo and Kikagati.
All these deployments by the UPDF are along the border with Rwanda.
It is an open secret that since November 2018, UPDF started deployment of heavily equipped forces at Kihumuro Hill in Kabale.
Kihumuro Hill is used as an Infantry Tactical Operations Base Camp and the number of soldiers here has grown up to 1,000. The entire force there is under the command of Maj. Joshua Annuarachi and it includes counterterrorism and CMI (Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence) operatives who conduct surveillance and gather intelligence along border.
Sources also indicate that an artillery platoon led by one Lt Judith is deployed on Kacwekano and Karujanga hills – overlooking Rwanda – with artillery capabilities (Katyusha rocket launchers, 11mm, 14.7mm and 12.7mm).
Other sources from Kisoro District revealed that continuous deployments of UPDF soldiers from the 35 battalion operating in Kisoro have been going on for the last few days.
Sources further intimated of the presence of an estimated 200 Special Forces at Butobere, at a place called Nyabitabo.
Now, contrary to what the author claimed, there is sufficient proof of UPDF deployments along the border with Rwanda. One wonders why all these deployment?
If the Ugandan website was interested in truth these are facts they should have laid bare, instead of fabricating an imaginary story of Rwandan troops amassing along the border and occasionally crossing into Uganda.
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